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curious to know who on this list recieved the following: Date: Wed, 27 Sep 2000 15:25:17 +0200 To: office@globalreflexion.org From: global reflexion <office@globalreflexion.org> Subject: Yugoslav elections --- trying to track down the source of this _loaded_ posting... seems to have originated from an xs4all account, perhaps tunnelled, but i'm not enuf of a tech person 2 know... --- Received: (qmail 28254 invoked from network); 27 Sep 2000 14:33:07 -0000 Received: from smtp8.xs4all.nl (194.109.127.134) by c2o.org with SMTP; 27 Sep 2000 14:33:07 -0000 Received: from internet (s340-modem162.dial.xs4all.nl [194.109.160.162]) by smtp8.xs4all.nl (8.9.3/8.9.3) with SMTP id PAA20570; Wed, 27 Sep 2000 15:33:35 +0200 (CEST) Message-Id: <3.0.5.32.20000927152517.00b0faa0@pop.xs4all.nl> X-Sender: reflex@pop.xs4all.nl --- the posting states as follows (4 the record) it's a long one... it has a lot of convincing to do...: To: office@globalreflexion.org From: global reflexion <office@globalreflexion.org> Subject: Yugoslav elections Mime-Version: 1.0 Content-Type: text/plain; charset="iso-8859-1" The Global Reflexion Foundation contributes, according to her ability, to the distribution of information on international issues that in the media does not recieve proper attention or is presented in a distorted way. We receive information from different sources, that does not necessary reflect our opinion. If you don't want to receive it, please send us an e-mail. ************************************************************************* Wednesday, September 27, 2000 1. Election Report from Tanjug 2. International Observers Say Elections Were "Free and Fair" 3. Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics - by Jared Israel 4. NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia - by George Szamuely 5. Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic - by Lutz Kleveman 6. Yugoslavia After Milosevic - by Lord Owen. 7. U.S. House Approves $500 Million for Serb Opposition ************************************************** Election Report from Tanjug. BELGRADE, Sep 26 (Tanjug).- The Federal Electoral Commission held a session Tuesday chaired by Borivoje Vukicevic and announced the first preliminary results of Yugoslav presidential election on the basis of results processed so far for 10,153 polling stations. Turnout was 64.16 percent, or 5,036,478 out of the total electorate of 7,848,818. The five presidential candidates won the following number of votes: - Miroljub Vidojkovic 40,765 or 0.80 percent - Vojislav Kostunica 2,428,714 or 48.22 percent - Slobodan Milosevic 2,026,478 or 40.23 percent - Vojislav Mihailovic 130,598 or 2.59 percent - Tomislav Nikolic 256,876 or 5.10 percent Invalid ballots - 3.03 percent According to these figures, a runoff presidential election is expected to be held. According to the preliminary results of the federal parliamentary elections, the distribution of seats is as follows: Chamber of Citizens: - DOS (Democratic Opposition of Serbia) - 59 - SPS-JUL (Socialist Party of Serbia, Yugoslav Left) - 44 - SNP (Socialist National Party) - 28 - SRS (Serbian Radical Party) - 3 - SNS (Serbian People's Party) - 2 Two seats will go to SPO, DZVM or SSJ, depending on final results. Chamber of the Republics: - DOS (Democratic Opposition of Serbia) - 10 - SPS-JUL (Socialist Party of Serbia, Yugoslav Left) - 7 - SRS (Serbian Radical Party) - 2 - SPO (Serbian Renewal Movement) - 1 - SNS (Serbian People's Party) - 1 The final results will be made public within the deadline set by the law, the Commission said. ************************************************** Contradicting Western Leaders, International Observers Say Elections Were "Free and Fair" BELGRADE, Sep. 26 - Contradicting western leaders, a group of 210 international observers from 54 countries has issued a statement in which it says the Yugoslav elections were generally "free and fair." Here are excerpts from a press release we have just received from Belgrade: "The 210 international observers from 54 countries who have come to Yugoslavia to monitor the elections have among them current and former parliamentarians, representatives from political parties and organizations, as well as scholars, journalists and activists. They have been able to view the electoral activities from rallies to the actual voting on September 24 and many have taken the opportunity meet with the leaders of various political parties and the different presidential campaigns. The observers feel strongly that they have had free, unobstructed access to the relevant activities, and particularly to the voting at the 24 when observers visited polling stations in different parts of Yugoslavia, including Montenegro and Kosovo. In Montenegro, the 20 foreign observers witnessed an overall atmosphere of intimidation of the voters, originating from the government of Mr. Milo Djukanovic which is boycotting the elections. Everywhere there were huge billboards telling people not to vote. These had the appearances of threats: "Don't vote or else..." Some of those who did vote, told the observers that they felt voting was risky for them, and could lead to the loss of jobs and other forms of harassment, as the polling stations were watched by the police and cameras not belonging to the media were pointed at the citizens coming to vote. In one poll, Serbian refugees from Kosovo told the observers that hundreds of them had been left off the voters' lists, although they had the necessary documentation to be able to vote. (This situation was brought to the attention of the Montenegrin Electoral Commission and a more detailed report will be forwarded to the Federal Electoral Commission of Yugoslavia.) The observers note that the voting process overall was orderly and smooth although it involved three separate ballots with multiple choices. The voting process, in the opinion of many, was equal or superior to the ones in their own countries. The observers feel strongly that the so-called "international community" has been abusive of Yugoslavia and democratic principles, in declaring weeks ahead that the election will be "rigged," and heaping constant abuse at the authorities in Yugoslavia who are trying to carry out a complicated, multi-level election in stressful conditions. This abuse has continued after the election, with leaders of Western countries declaring only a few hours after the election that Mr. Vojislav Kostunica had won, as if they would have had privileged access to the voting results! The observers leave Yugoslavia with a heightened respect for the integrity of the political process in the country. From what we have seen and heard, we believe that the results will truly reflect the will and the wishes of the people of Yugoslavia." Contact: Marjaleena Repo, Toronto & Saskatoon, Canada, e-mail: ccaftnat@sk.sympatico.ca. http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-9-8.html ***************************************************** Early Election Results: Big Defeat for U.S. Fifth Column Tactics by Jared Israel (9-26-2000) Below we have reprinted the preliminary Election Commission returns, as posted by Tanjug, the Yugoslav news agency. The amazing thing is that despite every sort of meddling, the U.S. has failed to bring down the Yugoslav government. Indeed, the government coalition now has a majority in both houses of Parliament, which governYugoslavia. This election has been quite something. Everyone admits that the "democratic" opposition is massively funded by US government agencies. The only difference between this funding and what the CIA used to do in the 1950s, 1960s and 1970s is that in this case some of the funding is open. But some of it is not so open, with money smuggled into Yugoslavia in suitcases full of cash.(1) The U.S. has subjected the Yugoslav people to the most extreme kind of intimidation. The 6th fleet is off the shore of Croatia conducting "maneuvers". Remember, Yugoslavia has been subjected to attacks by the U.S. and its allies and proxy forces for ten years, including 78 days of bombing. So the people have reason to be concerned about the 6th fleet. While holding this military stick over Yugoslav heads, the West has promised to lift sanctions and embrace Yugoslavia, if only the Yugoslavs get rid of Milosevich. This is a false promise. Several recent articles on Emperor's Clothes ( www.tenc.net ) deal with the punitive treatment Yugoslavia could expect if the US government gets its local agents in power. Today, the US House of Representatives voted to give the "independent democratic" opposition $105 MILLION to continue what the U.S. press is now calling its "populist" struggle. Not bad. They get to be populists plus millions of dollars to line their pockets because note that this money is not going to solve the problems of ordinary Yugoslavs, it is going to reward "democratic" opposition organizations and individuals. It is bribe money. The U.S. Establishment likes to get something for its bribes, in this case political control. $105 million is a lot of money in Yugoslavia. First of all, it's a small country with 1/25th of the U.S. population. And it is very poor, compared to the U.S. $150 (US) a month is an OK salary in Yugoslavia; you can live on $150 about as well as someone making about $2000 in the U.S. So to get an idea of the effect of $105 million in U.S. terms, multiply by 25 (for population) and 13.333 (for salary.) This means that in equivalent US dollars, Congress just voted to pay $35 BILLION to the "independent" opposition. So the U.S. government is holding out a big (though entirely deceptive) carrot and a big stick. What a spirit of resistance, that under these circumstances the Yugoslavs would give a majority of seats in both houses of Parliament to the parties the U.S .wants them to dump. This spirit of resistance is what the U.S. and Germany have been trying to destroy for ten long years. Indeed, Germany has been trying to break the Serbian spirit for a hundred years, if not more. Parliamentary Returns The most important elections are those for the two houses of Parliament. There, the Government Coalition of the Socialist Party, the JUL and Montenegrin SNP have gained an absolute majority in Parliament. Presidential Returns Give Kostunica a Plurality, Requiring a Runoff Election In the Presidential race, the Election Commission returns give both Milosevich and Kostunica under 40 and 48% respectively. Since both are under 50%, a run-off is required. But a run-off would be bad for the DOS. Milosevich will most likely fare better in a run-off than he did in round one. Why? For one thing, he will get most of the Radical Party vote. More important, many of the more nationalist Serbs didn't vote in round one because they didn't want to vote for Milosevich, but they will vote for him in round two because they see Kostunica's coalition as tied to the U.S. Kostunica's absolute numbers may go up, but his percentlocas of the total could well go down. The U.S. has a problem. Even if Kostunica were to win the Presidential vote, the government is controlled by Parliament, and Parliament is solidly in the hands of the Governing coalition. Therefore the US is using its "democratic" opposition to try and destabilize the situation and bring the government down. Djindjic Attacks Official Returns, Followed by Kostunica At approximately 3:00 Eastern U.S. time Democratic Party leader Zoran Djindjic publicly attacked the Election Commission returns, claiming they were false. He provided no evidence. This is consistent, of course. Prior to the elections, Djindjic and the State Department and Robin Cook and every Western newsman assured us that Milosevich would "steal" the elections, but never indicated how, so why provide evidence now that "the deed has been done"? Djindjic said his coalition would demand to see the official returns and "compare them with ours, one by one if necessary" and that they would reject a runoff because "we will respect the result that was registered on September 24." ('Reuters, 9-26-2000, 3.08 PM) An hour later, the official candidate of the "democratic" coalition spoke up. Vojislav Kostunica followed Djindjic's lead, echoing the charges of fraud and the refusal to participate in the runoff. ('Reuters, 9-26-2000, 4.10 PM) Kostunica was picked to be the "democratic" coalition's candidate because he had not been discredited (like Mr. Djindjic) as an agent of the U.S. government. But as we have pointed out, (2) Kostunica's character is not the issue because Kostunica is not the master of his fate. He relies on the DOS coalition and various "democratic" organizations, like the Group of 17 economists. They in turn rely on the U.S. government. How can Kostunica buck these forces? They have the U.S. money; they have the organizations; and they have the media. He has Kostunica and a tiny political party. The Golden Rule: He Who Has the Gold Makes The Rules The U.S. has given tens of millions of dollars to the "democratic" opposition. Kostunica says he has taken none of this money. If this is true, then Zoran Djindjic and the other "independent" democrats are getting it all. Djindjic has an organization able to smuggle cash across the border ("in suitcases" according to the N.Y. Times) (1) And the G-17 economists, a leading component of the US-funded opposition, has the ties to the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. So Zoran Djindjic speaks at 3pm and Vojislav Kostunica echoes him at 4. There you have it: a small example but one that reflects the true relation of forces. Whatever Mr. Kostunica really is, whatever he really wants, whatever he has convinced himself he is doing, he is only the tail. The dog is Zoran Djindjic, the G-17 economists, Vesna Pesic, Radio B292 and the rest of the independent democratic civil society peace activist opposition, and they all work for the USA (1) Here is the quote from the 'NY Times' on how "democratic" opposition money gets into Yugoslavia: "The money from the West is going to most of the institutions that the government attacks for receiving it - sometimes in direct aid, sometimes in indirect aid like computers and broadcasting equipment, and sometimes in suitcases of cash carried across the border between Yugoslavia and Hungary or Serbia and Montenegro. Most of those organizations and news media could not exist without foreign aid." ('N.Y. Times', 9-20-2000. For the complete 'N.Y. Times' story and a commentary from Emperor's Clothes, see "'NY Times' Confirms Charge: U.S. Gov't Meddles in Yugoslavia" at http://emperors-clothes.com/news/erlang.htm (2) See 'US ARROGANCE AND YUGSOLASV ELECTIONS' at http://emperors-clothes.com/engl.htm ************************************************** NATO Game-Plan: Destabilize Yugoslavia by George Szamuely (9-27-2000) It is entirely appropriate that US policymakers, their British parrots, and assorted NATO toadies are already debating the future course of Yugoslavia. Having first denounced last Sunday's elections as totally meaningless since they would inevitably be "stolen" by President Slobodan Milosevic, they then turned around and decided, before any results had been announced, that Vojislav Kostunica had won outright on the first ballot. So much then for Milosevic's chicanery. NATO's high-fives at the election results are reminiscent of the inane rejoicing that followed the end of the Kosovo bombing last year. It had taken 11 weeks to defeat a tiny power like Yugoslavia. And even then it was NATO that had to make the concessions, not Milosevic. Yet the Brits and the Americans celebrated, as if it were VE-Day all over again. The election results show a far from convincing win in the first round of voting for Kostunica, as well as a victory for the Government coalition in the Yugoslav parliament. NATO claims vindication. But if it has indeed "won"-and this is by no means clear-then it is only after a massive and unprecedented effort at intimidation. The Serbs were first bribed to vote the "right" way-thus the proverbial "carrot". And if that failed to do the trick, there was the threat of military action-the "stick". It is hard to take any elections seriously under such circumstances. How can you cast a vote for the candidate of your choice if there is a chance of cruise missiles blowing up your home if you vote the "wrong" way? The best NATO can boast is that it avoided total humiliation. Incidentally, it is meaningless to talk of NATO any longer-today it is nothing more than an echo chamber for yapping Pentagon and State Department officials, and their fierce little pups in London. Here is the glorious record of NATO heroism: $75 million from Washington to bankroll the Yugoslav opposition. Millions more to aid municipalities deemed not under Milosevic's control. Millions to line Montenegrin President Milo Djuakonovic's pockets. US and EU promises to lift sanctions if Milosevic is voted out. Then there are the threats: Any result other than a defeat for Milosevic will be considered by Washington to be the product of fraud. The US reserves the right to intervene to prevent such a calamity. Today, the United States is demanding that Milosevic steps down, even though the Yugoslav Federal Electoral Commission is saying that Kostunica did not receive 50 percent of the vote. The US Government is accepting without question the claims of the Democratic Opposition that Kostunica won 55 percent to Milosevic's 35 percent. Yet these figures are not based on any vote count, but on the reports of opposition poll watchers-hardly a disinterested bunch of observers. There were no American observers at the polls. The Russians were there. They claim they witnessed no election irregularities. Clearly, the orders emanating from Washington, and relayed through Budapest, is that the "opposition" take to the streets and demand Milosevic's resignation. Such protests could well elicit a violent response. This, in turn, could be seized on by the United States as a threat to the region, justifying military intervention. Alternatively, the "opposition" may be encouraged to boycott a run-off and establish a Government in exile-perhaps in Podgorica. Such a Government would enjoy diplomatic recognition and would in due course, act as a NATO stooge urging an invasion of Yugoslavia to remove the "illegitimate" Government in Belgrade. In the meantime, military threats are increasing. "We...need to make sure that Milosevic understands there is very substantial capacity in the region"-thus British Foreign Secretary Robin Cook Britain has 15 warships in the Mediterranean near Yugoslavia operating in two training groups. They are manned by 5,000 sailors, Royal Marines and aircrew. They include the aircraft carrier Invincible, which carries Harrier jump-jet fighters, the destroyer HMS Liverpool, helicopter assault ship HMS Ocean, the amphibious assault ship HMS Fearless and 10 more ships including minesweepers, a tanker, a store ship and Northumberland, a type-23 frigate. US and Croat forces are holding joint naval exercises 150 miles northwest of Montenegro. They include a simulated Marine landing on an island in the Adriatic Sea. On September 28, Romania and Bulgaria are planning a joint exercise at the Romanian Danube port of Turnu Magurele. The plan includes the construction of a pontoon bridge across the Danube and the evacuation of the local population. On Monday, the US House of Representatives passed a bill authorizing $500 million in financial aid for opposition groups in Yugoslavia. $500 million is a huge amount of money in a country as small, impoverished and as burdened by economic sanctions as Yugoslavia. Funds of this magnitude cannot but corrupt the most virtuous of nations. Remember, this is a Republican-controlled House of Representatives, which normally protests foreign aid, debt relief, and handouts in general. It is not hard to imagine what the future holds in store for Yugoslavia. Suppose the United States gets what it wants. Slobodan Milosevic steps aside and Kostunica takes over. There is a peaceful transition, and both the United States and the European Union lift sanctions as promised. In no time at all, the United States will demand the surrender of Milosevic to The Hague. Indeed, it will be an election issue, with George W. Bush baiting the Clinton Administration for being insufficiently zealous in its pursuit of Milosevic. Kostunica will probably refuse these demands. Soon the media will fall into lockstep parroting the line that as long as Milosevic is residing in Belgrade, he is the one who is really running the show. Every day journalists will be informing us that Kostunica is nothing more than Milosevic's puppet. Congress will then vote to cut off all further funds to Yugoslavia. The EU will follow suit. At that point, US-financed demonstrations will take place in Belgrade and other major cities. The protesters will demand that Milosevic be handed over to the Tribunal. If the US gets lucky, there will be some violence. At that point, Washington will summon Kostunica and tell him that he is jeopardizing Balkan stability. If he wants to stay in power, he will have to play ball with the United States. Milosevic must be handed over. The Rambouillet Accords will be put back on the table, along with Appendix B and the referendum on Kosovo independence. And while we are at it, Vojvodina will have to be offered a "special" status. One thing is for sure, the United States will not simply permit Yugoslavia to walk away and happily enjoy the prestige that comes from having defied the world's greatest powers for over 10 years. Yugoslavia will be made to pay. www.tenc.net [Emperor's Clothes] **************************************************** Despite all, many stay true to Milosevic By LUTZ KLEVEMAN PRISTINA, YUGOSLAVIA Wednesday 27 September 2000 The many bars and cafes along the main road in Mitrovica, a drab industrial town in the north of Kosovo, were packed on Monday night with bearded Serbs watching the evening news from Belgrade. Many nodded in sombre satisfaction when the newsreader on RTS state television reported "a clear lead" for President Slobodan Milosevic midway through the vote-counting. Mr Milosevic may have sent their sons into four deadly wars, impoverished them, beaten them and taken them hostage in an isolated pariah state, but that is not how millions of Serbs see his 13-year rule. Random exit polls in the "other" Serbia outside the opposition stronghold, Belgrade, showed widespread support for the Serb strongman, casting doubts on Western beliefs that put Mr Milosevic's popularity down solely to propaganda and fear. "Of course I voted for Milosevic because he defends the freedom of our country," said one voter leaving a polling station. The villain in the people's mind is NATO, not Mr Milosevic. While the nationalist frenzy of the early 1990s might be abating, Serbs are still deeply divided between Western-oriented, mostly urban, democratic reformers and strong Slavic do-it-alone patriots. Members of the first camp feel that by bombing the country and imposing economic sanctions, the West has not made life easier for them. "Nothing has helped Milosevic and hurt the chances for democracy in Serbia more than the bombing," said Milan Samardzic, a student activist. Alexander Mitic, a Belgrade-based journalist, explained: "The experiences of the last 10 years, the wars and the poverty, have made Serbs a very fearful people. They cling on to whatever seems a certainty - including Milosevic." Serbs have become obsessed with even the most outlandish conspiracy theories. A front-page story in one tabloid blamed Yugoslavia's unusually hot summer on NATO planes blowing away clouds with laser rays to torture the population. The issue was sold out within hours. Even most Serbs in Kosovo, who have felt the disastrous consequences of Mr Milosevic's policies most painfully, still support him. Father Sava Janjic of the Gracanica Monastery recalled: "He appeared like a savior to the Serbs in Kosovo - and he still does, despite all." -TELEGRAPH- Copyright © The Age Company Ltd 2000 ****************************************************************** "The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo. Mr. Kostunica will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to accept independence for Kosovo -- yet the Albanians will settle for nothing else. The key is to offer the Serbs territorial compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and that means looking in a wider Balkan context at the international borders that have not won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to achieve Balkan-wide stability." September 26, 2000 - The Wall Street Journal Yugoslavia After Milosevic By David Owen. The wisest course for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization countries to take in the immediate aftermath of the Yugoslav presidential elections would be to refrain from pontificating and gesturing. If past form serves as a guide, such actions only make it more difficult for the Serbian people to bring about an end to the Milosevic regime. Instead, the West should allow Vojislav Kostunica, the undoubted winner, to guide them on his post-election strategy. In Mr. Kostunica, at long last, we have a credible Serb leader. He is too nationalistic, inevitably, but was fortunately never a Communist. We must givehim the political leeway he needs to heal political wounds and bind Serbia together. Early today, the Milosevic government will go through the charade of announcing the election results, and the West will be certain to condemnthe inevitable rigging of the ballot. But the reactions of the Serbian people, and the strategies they adoptin their struggle to oust Mr. Milosevic, are likely to be less predictable. The key, in the next few days and weeks, will be the loyaltiesof the armed forces, which could be broken by prolonged peaceful demonstrations. But the police force, which has been turned into a paramilitary body by Mr. Milosevic, is unlikely to bend to demonstrators. They have been singled out by Mr. Milosevic for special treatment for more than a decade, and are relatively well-paid and well-equipped. I would expect them to stay loyal to Mr. Milosevic. I fear they will, as usual, try to engender panic by savagely attacking some demonstrators. A lot will depend on whether they show more restraint than has hitherto been their wont. Two months ago, Mr. Milosevic changed the constitution to have direct elections for the Yugoslav presidency, scrapping the previous system of indirect elections by the federal parliament. He expected the opposition to remain divided. But he miscalculated, and the 17 opposition parties came together to support Mr. Kostunica. The Montenegrin government decided to boycott the election, leaving the result to be determined by Serbs, whether in Montenegro or in Serbia itself. In United Nations-administered Kosovo, polling stations for the election were open, but there were few Serbs left to vote. The truth inYugoslavia for many years has been that it doesn't matter who votes, but rather, who counts the votes. Why did the Milosevic regime highlight the constitutional provision that a new president would only take office next summer? It is almost certain that Mr. Milosevic considered the possibility that he might be defeated by such a large margin that even he would not be able to escape its message. In such circumstances, it would be typical of him to aim to stay on for another nine months in the belief that he could broker a graceful exit. Mr. Milosevic is at his most inventive when cornered. He is, after all, the man who went to war with NATO well aware that all he could expect to do was to negotiate after a period of fighting. He knew the Yugoslav forces could not win, but he also knew that the Serb parliament would never have accepted the terms of the Rambouillet accord. The fact that Secretary of State Madeleine Albright advised President Clinton that Mr. Milosevic would fold after a few days of bombing was a testament to how little she understood Serbian intransigence. After 98 days of bombing, Mr. Clinton negotiated a settlement with Russian involvement under which -- in contrast to Rambouillet -- the U.N., not NATO, administered Kosovo. Furthermore, NATO troops did not enter Kosovo through Serbia, and the provisions on returning indicted war criminals were toned down. Many of the Serb tank commanders rolled out of Kosovo still eager to have a go at NATO, but Mr. Milosevic judged it was better to keep his armed forces virtually intact. We in NATO were spared any casualties. Apart from former Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, I have probably spent more hours negotiating with Mr. Milosevic than any other Western politician. Everything is negotiable, but he will provoke a civil war rather than end up facing trial for war crimes in The Hague. I suspect that it will take all of Mr. Clinton's renowned political instincts to script an exit for Mr. Milosevic, one in which a civil war is avoided in Montenegro, or in Serbia itself. The Serb president will cling to office like a limpet. Mr. Clinton would be well advised to consult closely with Vladimir Putin. Moscow knows the Serb mindset far better than Washington. The outlines of a settlement are not hard to discern. Mr. Milosevic has to accept that Mr. Kostunica has won the election, and that the latter must become president soon. Mr. Kostunica has already said he will not send Mr. Milosevic to The Hague, and the West should have enough common sense not to push him on this point. That does not require the Hague court to grant an amnesty, but it would mean that NATO countries would refrain from applying sanctions against the Kostunica government if it were to allow Mr. Milosevic to stay on Yugoslav territory without being arrested. Perhaps the best solution would be for Mr. Milosevic to be sent as Ambassador to the Yugoslav embassy in Beijing. China would not object. In view of the massacre at Srebrenica, for which he bears personal responsibility, I cannot see how the West can avoid demanding that Gen. Ratko Mladic be sent to The Hague. Gen. Mladic, a hero of the Serbian armed forces, lives quite openly in Belgrade, and has been seen attending soccer matches in the city. His extradition would prove deeply unpopular with the army, so we may have to acquiesce in the existing head of the Yugoslav armed forces, Gen. Nebojsa Pavkovic, being spared an international trial. Loud objections will be heard, of course, which assert that any settlement that does not involve Mr. Milosevic's head would be a sell-out. Yet the price of peace in the Balkans may well be that high, though like most people, it sticks in my gullet that Mr. Milosevic might escape trial. Recovery could be quite quick in a new Yugoslavia, provided the West really does help in its reconstruction and that Mr. Milosevic does not destabilize the country. The hardest problem to resolve may be Kosovo. Mr. Kostunica will not find it easy to get his fellow Serbs to accept independence for Kosovo - yet the Albanians will settle for nothing else. The key is to offer the Serbs territorial compensation for the loss of Kosovo, and that means looking in a wider Balkan context at the international borders that have not won acceptance, and negotiating territorial adjustments to achieve Balkan-wide stability. (Lord Owen has served as Britain's foreign secretary and as the European Union's peace envoy to Yugoslavia.) **************************************************** U.S. House Approves $500 Million for Serb Opposition WASHINGTON, Sep. 25 - For nine years, the Serb democratic opposition received next to nothing by way of financial aid from Washington. Then as we revealed last week, they were funded to the tune of $77 million. Now that figure has jumped up to $500 million, according to a Sep. 25 Reuters report. In a move meant to put more pressure on Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic after Western nations declared him beaten at the polls, the House of Representatives passed a bill on Monday by a two-thirds majority in a voice vote authorizing $500 million in financial aid for Serbian opposition groups, the Reuters wire said. Although the outcome of Sunday's Yugoslav elections will not be announced until later this week, the United States, Britain, Germany, France and other members of the European Union all declared on Monday that Milosevic had lost to main opposition challenger Vojislav Kostunica. http://www.truthinmedia.org/Bulletins2000/tim2000-9-8.html ****************************************************** Global Reflexion - Amsterdam - The Netherlands c2o - Community Communications Online | Andrew Garton - PO Box 304 | agarton@c2o.org - Richmond 3121 Victoria AUSTRALIA | http://www.c2o.org - Tel/Fax. +61 3 9486 9765 - ABN. 33 078 575 238 _______________________________________________ Nettime-bold mailing list Nettime-bold@nettime.org http://www.nettime.org/cgi-bin/mailman/listinfo/nettime-bold