McKenzie Wark on Sun, 29 Dec 96 06:07 MET |
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nettime: on social democracy |
'Social democracy' is a term that turns up more than once in the various nettime readers. Its a word that Americans seem not quite to understand, and Europeans no longer to quite believe. While there is a consensus around a vague unease with the libertarian beliefs of the 'california ideology', there seems to be a clearer idea of what kind of net politics one ought not to subscribe to than a positive notion of net politics, or the net as a politics. Perhaps one way to clarify things somewhat might be to return to this term social democracy. As the political expression of the labour movmement, social democracy heads in at least two directions -- one towards the pragmatic search for power through legal means, the other through belief in the necessity of revolution. These two tendencies were never neatly divided between the parties of the second and third internationals -- there was always a curious mix within both. The social democratic parties always had their true believers. The communist parties always had their pragmatists. Michael Oakeshott suggests that the distinction between what he calls a politics of belief and a politics of scepticism is a central one in the evolution of western political thought. He sees both these strands mixed right across the political spectrum. Oakeshott had a clear preference for the politics of scepticism, for Montaigne and Hume, over the true believers of either the left or the right -- marxian and smithian economic fundamentalists, in particular. The collapse of the stalinist alternative is widely seen as a body blow to the left, in either its sceptical and pragmatic, or faithful and revolutionary, options. Its been taken on the right as clearing the field for the real battle in late 20th century politics -- between neo-liberalism inspired by Adam Smith and a true Burkean conservatism - or at least those are the terms English speaking commentators would use. Its interesting to look at the kinds of media and cultural policy inspired by neo-liberal and conservative thinking. The neo-liberals have drifted so far from their original inspiration in Adam Smith that they think *everything* can be viewed in terms of the 'invisible hand', the invisible principle that governs the first two books of his master work, _The Wealth of Nations. No longer even aware of what Smtih wrote in the rest of it, they lose sight of the kinds of institutional structures Smith thought necessary to ensure the honest working of the market and the health of the state. And so, to neo-liberals, media and culture can be left to market forces, like anything else. The conservative response dwells upon the dangers of too ready a belief in the efficacy of the market. It is sceptical of such abstract designs of reason, and trusts in the political unconscious of inherited institutions. It defends cultural traditions precisely because it *doesn't* know their value. Its curious how much of what passes for 'left' thinking ends up supporting conservative options in cultural and media policy, out of a shared antipathy to the market rather than any really original line of thought. 'Culture' becomes a key signifier that means all things to all parties opposed to the unfettered market. It can mean both 'tradition' and 'minority' at once, provided one does not put it under too close a scrutiny. In both cases, the romantic thread that runs through conservatism and some forms of leftist thought see culture as something authentic, pre existing, as the natural expression of a true past or a true subjectivity. 'Culture' and its defense is what is set against the expansion of media markets. What i think is lost in all of this is a certain kind of social democracy. By that i don't mean the pervasive apparatus of the welfare state that social democrats, christian democrats and in some cases even the western communist parties collaborated in creating in western europe. What i mean is the grass roots tradition of social democracy. Take as an example the german social democrats. In their early, illegal days, the party oranised itself less through party cells than through the spontaneous creation of cultural affinity groups. For example: workers' bicycle clubs and singing clubs -- forms of cultural self organisation that were also effective media, for transmiting the cultural 'meme' of social democracy across space and time, respectively. Social democracy was the self organising culture and media, the time and the space, of the self conscious working class. In its legal phase, the german social democrats made great use of the press. They were eary adopters of the connection between telegraphy and the newspaper. They formed news agencies, they organised the distribution and ordering of news according to what we would now recognise as modern journalistic practices. They were, as a political movement, ahead of their time. These techniques are often assumed to orginate in the military, but that is to take too narrow a focus. The techniques of modern communication originate in the struggle for power, both political and military -- and social democracy was an early and effective adopter of such techniques. Indeed, its not going too far to see the turning of various european ruling classes to far right alternatives as a reaction to the spontaneous self organising of the working class and the successful alliances it often forged with peasant interests in the countryside. Even as late as the eary 30s, german social democrats expanded the range of media vectors along which they competed to radio and cinema. The best known examples include Brecht's film work and Benjamin's radio programs for children. That this media politics was defeated is in itself no reason to dismiss it -- or forget it. Social democracy became a simulacrum of itself, as Guy Debord argues --but this was not a bad thing. It was an inevitable outcome of the struggle for power along the new vectors of the media. The 20s and 30s were the time when power *became* vectoral. It has become so again. What is perhaps distinctive about social democratic media politics is that it does not see 'culture' as some pre existing, authentic source of identity. It sees it as process and practice, as the sponaneous creation of forms of accumulation and dispersal of images and stories. This may take a state sanctioned form or not. It may use market based or state based forms -- and perhaps survives best in a mixed economy that supports both. Its a pragmatic politics, not based in a belief in either the market or even in the media itself. This i think is a key point at the moment: while many people can now adopt a sceptical stance in relation to the Smithian faith of George Gilder and others in the natural affinity of the net with the market, there is still a lingering faith in the net as a liberatory media in and of itself. I think the lesson from the prehistory of mdia politics is that such a faith is always misplaced. Whatever the *potential* of the form, it always has other potentials as well. The net is neither essentially and necessarily democratic nor militaristic -- it has all kinds of potentials. Some as yet unknown. There is no need to enquire as to its essence, but every reason to experiment with its possibilities. A social democratic practice parts company with criticism -- be it conservative or allegedly radical. Social democracy was *always* a politics of the media, perhaps before it was anything else. This at least is what I argued in _Virtual Geography. AS a democratic politics, it organises consciousness and the capacity to act across space, so that it can be deployed effectively in the unfolding of political time. McKenzie Wark netletter #3 __________________________________________ "We no longer have roots, we have aerials." http://www.mcs.mq.edu.au/~mwark -- McKenzie Wark -- * distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission * <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, * collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets * more info: majordomo@is.in-berlin.de and "info nettime" in the msg body * URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@is.in-berlin.de