Steven Kurtz on Mon, 14 Jul 1997 22:15:56 +0200 (MET DST) |
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<nettime> Cyberfeminism Part 2 |
Notes on the Political Condition of Cyberfeminism continued: Separatism and Boundary Maintenance Whenever feminism begins pushing its way into new territories, the avant garde members of the movement face incredible problems and nearly insurmountable odds. Cyberfeminism is no different. Relatively few women have the skills to see through the cyber-hype, to understand the complexity of the system, and most importantly, to teach other women how to survive and actively use the system. For most women in the technosphere, it takes all their energy simply to survive transgressing the norm and learning massive amounts of dense technical information. Just doing the latter is a difficult task that few people accomplish, but throw in the condition of gender isolation (learning and working in a male domain) and the generally negative social representation of being a geek girl (i.e., going against the grain of female construction) and it becomes immediately apparent that alienation levels are extremely high. Under such conditions, as in the past, separatist activity has been a useful tactic, as well as one that can foster efficient pedagogical situations. Kathy Huffman often jokes that "in cyberspace men can't interrupt you [women]." The joke is funny because it does represent a truth of gendered interruption; however, the pessimistic side of this point is that women are interrupted in cyberspace. They are often overwhelmed with counter-discourse, ignored, or totalized under the sign of being "politically correct." A remark by a woman may not be interrupted, but continuity of discourse, with particular regard to women's issues, is often interrupted. Here again there is a need for separatist activities at this point in post/feminist decolonization of cyberspace. During this early stage of development, women need to experiment in developing their own working and learning spaces. This kind of activity has occurred in all phases of feminists territorial decolonization, and has shown itself to be very productive. Separatism should be welcome among cyberfeminists and among those who support a cyberspace of difference. It should be remembered that separatism among a minoritarian (disenfranchised) group is not negative. It's not sexist, it's not racist, and it's not even necessarily a hindrance to democratic development. There is a distinct difference between using exclusivity as part of a strategy to make a specific perception or way of being in the world a universal, and using exclusivity as a means to escape a false universal (one goal of cyberfeminist separatism). There is also a distinct difference between using exclusion as a means to maintain structures of domination, and using it as a means to undermine them (another goal of cyberfeminist separatism). At the same time, separatism can reach a point where it is counterproductive. The cycle of useful production in regard to separatist activity can be traced by the applicability of one of its main slogans, "The personal is political." In consciousness-raising groups, personal information is typically disclosed. Then patterns begin to emerge out of these disclosures. Notions that were thought to be personal, private, idiosyncratic, and psychologically bound turn out to be points of group knowledge and represent sociological tendencies. Group members come to realize that their "individual" problems are only mirrors of social pathologies that affect all the people of a given class, race, gender, etc. In turn, each individual comes to realize that it is not a personal flaw that led he/r to be in an unacceptable socio-economic situation, but that the structure of the political economy is to blame. In order for this process to succeed, there must be a solidarity of identity, and when oppression is high, this can only happen in a separatist environment. However, once these social currents are discovered and this knowledge is deployed among the given social group, the need for separatist activity drops and can even become counterproductive. At this point, the uneasy romance between coalition and diversity can begin. For feminism in general, the time for separatist action seems to be over; however, we must remember that all areas of society are not equally gendered-some territories are more equalized than others. Given that cyberspace is one of the most inequitable, it should be expected that a number of early feminist organizational and educational tactics will be revived. Feminine Subjectivity Cyberfeminism is currently at that unfortunate point where it has to decide who gets to be a separatist cyberfeminist and who does not. The haunting question of "what is a woman?" once again returns. In theory, this problem is graspable, but first, what is the problem? Looking back on any feminist movement, there have always been tremendous conflicts within women's groups and organizations brought on by attempts to define feminine subjectivity (and thereby, "us" and "them"). In the second wave, the feminine was defined in a manner that seemed largely to reflect the subjectivity of white, middle class, straight women. The third wave had to debate whether or not transvestites, transsexuals, and other "males" who claimed to be female identified should be accepted into activist organizations (and at the same time, women of color, working class women, and lesbians all still had grounds for complaints). In addition, it was never decided how to separate the feminine from other primary social variables that construct a woman's identity. For example, part of the problem in many feminist organizations, and in WAC in particular, was that the middle class professional women had the greatest economic and cultural resources. They therefore had greater opportunity for leadership and policy making. The women outside of this class felt that the professionals had unfair advantages and that their agenda was the primary agenda, which in turn brought about a destructive form of separation. These are but some of the practical problems that have emerged out of the issue of exclusivity and imperfections inherent in definitions. Defining feminine subjectivity can never be done to the satisfation of all, and yet, practically speaking, it has to be done. The current theoretical solution to this problem is to have small alliances and coalitions that do not rely on bureaucratic process. Such coalitions should be expected to dissolve at various velocities over time. Also, naively humanistic or metaphysical principles (depending on one's perspective) like "sisterhood" should be left in the past, and we must all learn to live with the conflicts and contradictions of a house of difference. Of course, this is easier said than done. Truth changes with the situation. In a territory like a US or British cultural studies department, we can talk about living in a house of difference. In other more inequitable territories, it is more difficult, and clear boundaries (often essentialized) of differences for identity purposes are often required. For example, telling a person of color who has just been beaten by the police that "the officers were only reacting to a racist textual construction that links people of color with the sign of criminality" is probably not going to have much resonance (even though in legitimized academic territories the argument is quite convincing). While the simpler explanation, "your ass just got beat because you are a person of color" will be quite convincing, because in this case, who is on what side of the racial divide is unambiguous in the mind of the unwilling participant. In this context, the hard boundaries of essentialism make sense and have greater explanatory power until the ambiguity that emerges out of successful consciousness raising and contestation becomes a part of everyday life. Consequently, one can expect that essentialized notions of the feminine will continue to appear and find acceptance.** Dinner Parties Cyberfeminism is currently drawing upon social and cultural strategies from past waves of feminism. For example, dinner parties that celebrate women's achievements and serve as convivial coalition building events are a famous part of feminist history, as witnessed not only in the fundraising dinner parties held by female suffragists, but also in Judy Chicago's Dinner Party; in Suzanne Lacy's art/life performances; in Mary Beth Edelson's "Last Supper" detournement; and in the countless feasts prepared and served to each other by feminists all over the world in the past decades. In recognition that women need to feed each other and desire conviviality, Kathy Huffman and Eva Wohlgemuth in their Web project, "Face Settings," are using the medium of the dinner party as an organizing and educational tool for cyberfeminists. The events--which often happen during international media festivals and symposia where men are the leading actors--are meant to overcome the isolation of cyberculture, to get women connected to each other, and to help them begin to learn and use electronic technology in producing their own work. It has been shown that forming strong working groups among people who only communicate virtually is far less productive than forming groups among people who also meet in the flesh. For this reason, it is important for cyberfeminist to make opportunities to meet together bodily and form affinity groups to facilitate building a transnational, transcultural movement. And what better way than a dinner party to dissolve the estrangement so often produced by even the friendliest online communications? Indeed, the virtual medium must not replace the affective and the affinity-building functions of presence. --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@icf.de and "info nettime" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@icf.de