James Flint on Tue, 23 Sep 1997 13:40:46 +0200 (MET DST) |
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<nettime> Death by Media |
"The news guy wept and told us, earth was really dying, He cried so much his face was wet, and then I knew, he was not lying." (David Bowie, Five Years) Maybe the news that the world will end in five years would bring tears of conviction to the media's eyes, but the news of Diana's death certainly did not. Apart from the grief exhibited by those, like royal commentator Nick Owen, so cut up on the day of the accident that it was clear that they were personally in love with the Princess of Wales, the mourning of the press was tempered at every turn by the most revealing flexing of media muscle that this country has ever seen. For what happened in the week between death and funeral? On the Sunday morning, Britain awoke to the news that the most famous woman in the world had been killed by the media. There was something awesome, something utterly defining for the century, about this death. The most famous woman in the world finally disappears in the conjunction of the motor of the camera and the motor of the car, two out of three of the defining motors of our age (the third being the motor of the machine gun). Perhaps that is why so many people were so upset, often despite themselves - in some way Diana's death is emblematic of the way all our lives (and deaths) are now mediated by the media. As a textbook Virilio/Baudrilliard/Ballard scenario, this couldn't be beat. The actual details of the night itself - to what extent the crash was caused by the swerving motorbikes of the pursuing photographers, to what extent by the mis-calculation of the driver - are in fact fairly irrelevant; the point is that Diana's death was the conclusion of 16 years of media harassment in which many many journalists, from from TV to broadsheet, had a personal hand. This sounds like a strong, provocative claim, but it isn't really - I'm not trying to establish criminal guilt, a simple and direct cause, or whip up anti-media feeling. But still there was as strong a case as one could imagine that the media shares some of the responsibility for her death and in acknowledging that should accept a wider causality, one in which a cause is a distributed mechanism, an affect. But this kind of causality is one not recognised by current media dogma, except as a nebulous theory to reject in passing. If we can accept some kind of prima-facie media responsibility, however weak, then media reaction - which varied from sector to sector - becomes interesting in itself. From the earliest news broadcasts on Sunday morning, the BBC were already playing down the role of the photographers in the accident, attributing any undeniable aspects to the "press" (i.e. the papers) rather than the "media" (which would include TV), and deploying to maximum effect the usual highbrow tactic of only ever referring to either "press" or "media" as "they" - a kind of inverse of the Royal "we". For the rest of the day, almost any journalist with a college degree who was interviewed said that in fact the press wasn't to blame at all - it was the public's fault: they bought the papers. The tabloids found it harder to wheedle their way out - editorials were quick to accept guilt, and, they declared, they would atone, which they immediately did, by iconising the Princess. At the same time they made it clear that it wasn't really their fault, oh no, it was actually a small group of photographers, the paparazzi, which was to blame, and the tabloids never bought pictures from this type of low-life scum anyway. Tabloid contrition lasted precisely four days; it was broken by the Sport on Thursday 5th, with the frontpage headlines "Kinky Sex Secrets of Diana's Death Driver" and "Diana Bodyguard has 'tongue torn out'", the latter a blatant and sensationalist lie which was immediately denied by the man's family. Interviews with British paparazzi quickly revealed that they weren't guilty either. All the English lads had, apparently, stopped chasing Diana years ago ("there's this line, guv, and I just wouldn't cross it, right?"). No - it was actually the continental paparazzi what had killed her, all those spics and foreign johnnies who didn't understand good old fashioned British manners. Having got their story straight, the next thing was for the media to close ranks and divert attention, a manoeuvre that was enabled by the extraordinary "public outpouring of grief" and the Royal Family's retreat to Balmoral, where they tried to work out how the fuck they were going to deal. Wheeling out every forgotten "royal expert" they could find in the gutters of Mayfair, the media made much of the fact that the failure of the Queen to give a speech or fly the flag at half-mast at Buckingham palace meant that she was in fact an unemotional hard-assed bitch who was totally out of touch with "her people". And yet, until fairly late in the week, by which time the TV news had lodged the meme in everybody's brain, no one had given a second thought to either of these things. Public opinion, in as much as it was allowed to be aired, seemed quite happy to accept that the family would want to retreat for a while - in fact, it was the most human thing they could have done. And no one in Britain gives a shit for the niceties of the symbols of Victorian royalty anymore. And yet, from Monday on, all news bulletins stressed the public's criticism of the royals, and almost no vox pop interviews that criticised the media were given airtime. On the Thurday following the accident, I saw a BBC reporter recording an on the spot interview for the evening news. While he made the point that "during the week, the anger of the crowds has shifted its target from the paparazzi to the Royal Family," two hundred people stood around, scratching their heads, wondering what he was going on about. As he and his cameraman packed up to leave, a trio of women standing by the palace gates started to point out to each other the fact that the flag was not at half-mast (it was in fact not flying at all - it never does when the Queen is not in residence). Guests on TV discussion panels, such as those hosted by Jon Snow, were continually steered away from the topic of media culpability and back onto the more appropriate subject of royal reaction. Strangest of all, perhaps, was Sky's choice to editing the word "paparazzi" from the Rosebud episode of The Simpsons, screened the night of the funeral. But the single most audacious action of the week was the way that the television news completely inverted the emphasis of Earl Spencer's funeral speech - which slammed the media and admonished the Windsors - with their coverage. In their extensive highlights on Saturday evening, ITV even went so far as to cut from Spencer's speech the specific reference to avoiding the paparazzi on Diana's final visit to his home in South Africa. A week after the coffin had been placed in the ground, the backlash against him had already began, with pundits saying that he had spoken out of turn. Spencer had better watch out - he has angered the beast, and he will not be allowed to rest until it has had its pound of meat. It appeared that the Queen was acutely aware of the situation. Concessions to make the funeral more modern, more informal, more accessible, were hardly concessions to "the power of the people" as the papers made out, but attempts to forestall or derail incessant media criticism. What was going on here was nothing less a revolution. The media was finally taking power away from the royals - or at least from the Windsors, whose "german roots" were stressed in the Observer (the Spenser-Churchills, by contrast, were described as representing a "more ancient branch of the aristocracy - crucially, more free-thinking branch.") After all, one doesn't want to kill the goose that lays the golden egg - just control it. All revolutions have their dark side. It's difficult to feel any sympathy for the Royals, who persist despite everything in maintaining their rotten constitutional role from behind their (increasingly porous) bastions of privilege. Still, we should be aware that if the figurehead of royalty has been irretrievably destablised this past few weeks, it is only because there is now in this country a force so powerful as to be capable of doing that. It may or may not be a force we are comfortable with, with which we may or may not be willing to conspire. But it is important to learn what we can about the way in which it operates, about the realities it constructs. For, just in time for the millennia, and in a particularly British way - midwifed by the death of a princess - the British media has joined its American cousin as the most powerful element in society. James Flint, September 1997 Jim Flint vox: +44 (0) 171 837 7479 page: 01523 106401 flint@bigfoot.com www.metamute.com/jimf My socks smell of chips --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@icf.de and "info nettime" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@icf.de