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Syndicate: <nettime> Albanian Media Monitor 20 - Final Issue |
ALBANIAN MEDIA MONITOR VOL. 2, NO. 12, ISSUE 20 9 JULY 1998 *******FINAL ISSUE******* Welcome to the 20th and final issue of the Albanian Media Monitor, a biweekly newsletter produced in Tirana by the Institute for Journalism in Transition (IJT <http://www.ijt.org>). Ten months after our monitoring effort was launched in August 1997, the Albanian media landscape is fundamentally changed. When we began the project, a new government had just taken over following four months of unrest and anarchy in Albania. In early 1997, both print and electronic media were still confronting harsh economic and political difficulties. Violence against journalists was a daily occurrence. At the height of the crisis, in March, newspapers stopped publishing after parliament introduced censorship, in a clear contravention of the constitution. The June 1997 elections marked a new beginning for all sectors of the media. Private radio and television broadcasters began mushrooming despite the absence of legislation, and parliament started working on a draft law aimed at legalizing private broadcasters and turning state radio and television (RTSH) into a full-fledged public broadcaster. The Albanian Media Monitor not only followed these developments closely but also gave essential stimuli to the public debate on the new legislation. The drafting of no other law in Albania has ever been so open to public scrutiny (see article below), and one should hope that the whole process will be seen as a test case for the drafting of a new constitution later this year. Besides covering this towering issue, the Albanian Media Monitor has attempted to provide general insight into media coverage of main political events, economic difficulties confronting the media, and the human-rights situation and the working conditions in Albanian journalism. Despite the recent improvements on the media scene, much remains to be done. After the new media law is approved by parliament--soon after this issue reaches you--there will be a need for close monitoring of its implementation. Will the process of private licensing be fair? How are courts going to handle complaints? How will private broadcasters reform their poorly equipped stations in order to improve their technical and professional quality? Is diversity in the electronic media going to increase? How will the transformation into a public broadcasting institution affect RTSH's professional level? What can be done to assist that reform? At the same time, newspapers continue to face economic problems that have not diminished since last year's crisis. Some have closed down and many more say they may go bankrupt as well. We are hoping to answer all those questions with a new project in the future. Just as the Albanian Media Monitoring project comes to a halt, a new crisis has developed in northern Albania as a consequence of increased strife in Kosovo. This crisis has begun to dominate the media in Albania and has developed into a major challenge to the government and effectively dominates its agenda. Prior to that crisis, Albanian journalists used to focus mainly on Tirana and hardly ever covered events in the rural areas of Albania. Similarly, there is an even deeper lack of knowledge and information about the affairs in neighboring countries--even about the goings on in regions heavily populated with ethnic-Albanians, such as Kosovo and western Macedonia. Therefore, there will be a need to promote and improve regional coverage and a more diverse journalism, which would also be more sensitive toward the concerns of minorities. This would help overcome stereotypes that still dominate Albanian-language media coverage, not only in Albania but also in the neighboring regions. We are hoping to find another opportunity to continue our monitoring effort. We also hope to look deeper into the coverage of events in Kosovo and Macedonia by the Albanian media and into problems and possibilities of improving regional journalism and cooperation of Albanian journalists with their colleagues in neighboring countries. Until then, we thank you for your interest, we thank the OSI Regional Media Programme in Budapest for its support, and we say good-bye from Tirana. Fabian Schmidt & Andi Bejtja, IJT, Tirana ************************************* Forthcoming FRY Media Monitoring Bulletin We will shortly be opening a new office in Belgrade from where we will be producing a new bi-weekly media monitoring bulletin compiled from reports sent in by our analysts posted throughout the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). Those readers interested in receiving this free bulletin, should send an e-mail to IJT Director of Programmes, Alan Davis <alan@ijt.org>. ************************************* ALBANIAN MEDIA MONITOR VOL. 2, NO. 12, ISSUE 20 9 JULY 1998 In this issue: * Public debate on broadcasting law ends * A snapshot of the print media scene PUBLIC DEBATE ABOUT ALBANIAN BROADCASTING LAW ENDS The public participation in the drafting of a new broadcasting law (see "Albanian Media Monitor" Vol. 2, No. 10 Issue 18) ended with a public television debate on 4 June and a round table on 11 June. The debate began with the publication of the draft broadcasting law on 9 May in "Gazeta Shqiptare", after which the parliamentary media commission invited everybody to submit written comments and suggestions regarding the law. There were two initial round tables in May, one on the part of the law dealing with reform of state radio and television into a public broadcasting institution and another focusing on legalization and registration of private broadcasters. The 4 June debate, which was organized by state television, featured the head of the parliamentary media commission, Musa Ulqini (Socialist Party); his deputy, Vili Minarolli (Democratic Party); the deputy director of Albanian television, Sefedin Cela; and Genti Ibrahimi, a legal expert from the working group that drafted the law. The most outspoken panelist was Minarolli, who argued that various provisions in the law were too liberal toward foreign investors and did not take into account the protection of "national interests." Minarolli complained, for example, that the draft set the same limit for the maximum ownership stake in a national broadcaster for both domestic and foreign investors. Ulqini countered that a certain amount of liberalism was necessary, because otherwise badly needed foreign investment would not be attracted. Ulqini further argued that the Council of Europe considered the law?s provisions in line with similar legislation in other European countries. But Minarolli insisted that an article from the May 1997 broadcasting law, which explicitly referred to "the protection of national interests," was dropped from the new version. He said that programs of many Italian radio and television stations are being rebroadcast in Albania, which threatened the Albanian domestic advertising market. He mentioned the example of Telenorba, a local broadcaster from southern Italy, which broadcasts Albanian-language advertising from time to time. Ulqini countered the criticism, saying that national interests were indirectly protected in the articles that define the professional standards of journalism. He also pointed out that, after the end of communism, most Albanians welcomed foreign television stations as a window to the world. He added that this has had a positive rather than a negative impact. Ulqini nonetheless pledged to consider Minarolli?s suggestions concerning advertising. The article that forbids the broadcasting of pornography and divulging state secrets was also disputed. While everybody agreed that this was a difficult formulation that needed further specification, Genti Ibrahimi said that the parliament was currently working on two further laws: one that will define what constitutes a state secret and provide for the creation of a board of classification; and a freedom of information act to protect journalists against arbitrary court rulings. Other issues in the debate included the appointment of the National Radio and Television Council. Minarolli criticized the allocation of seats in the council (a third of the members are appointed by the governing coalition, a third by the parliamentary opposition, and the remaining third by the president), arguing that the proportions were not well-balanced. Ulqini countered that the law contained clear definitions, specifying that those appointed must not be party members and must come from the whole spectrum of social and cultural life. He also added that the law included tough regulations preventing abuse of office and conflict of interest between members of the council and political or economic interest groups. The final part of the public debate had the form of a round table to which the parliamentary media commission had invited all parties and individuals who submitted suggestions and complaints about the draft. Some 30 groups and individuals submitted suggestions, ranging from an ecumenical body representing Albania?s religious communities, which objected that they were not allowed to own radio and television stations, to representatives of private broadcasters and the association of authors, who suggested changes to the law to increase the protection of authors? rights. Another issue raised by a representative of Albania's drug and food administration was to ban the advertising of food that does not have official approval for marketing. The parliamentary media commission responded with a proposal to include a reference to the appropriate customer protection laws in the new legislation. Most points were of technical nature, and the parliamentary media commission considered about half of the suggestions. In the disputed cases, Ulqini mostly used the expert opinion of the Council of Europe about the draft as a guideline. In other cases of a more general character, such as the ownership debate with the religious communities, the parliamentary media commission was not willing to compromise. The law does not regulate the appeals procedure in cases when the National Radio and Television Council refuses a license or gives preference to another bidder. Ulqini said that the dissatisfied party has the right to bring the case to court. A Law on Competition is currently being drafted with the help of an expert from the German Association for Technical Cooperation. The media commission also considered a number of suggestions made by Article 19, which had arrived only after the round-table discussion. Ulqini told IJT that the media commission took all of Article 19's suggestions into account. The draft will be submitted to a vote in parliament in mid-July. NEWSPAPERS: THE FALL OF THE LARGE AND THE RISE OF THE SMALL by Gjergj Pilika, Klan magazine The Albanian newspaper market in the summer of 1998 is considerably different than it was a year ago. While the traditionally larger newspapers have suffered drops in circulation, those smaller papers that have managed to survive have stabilized their circulation, sometimes even adding a few thousand copies to the tally. But at the same time, all newspaper publishers, be they from the left or right side of the political spectrum, from independent or party papers, from small or large papers, new or old dailies, agree that the press is still going through a difficult time. They point out that the people are poorer today and buy less papers than they used to. In early June, sales of newspapers were over 10 percent lower than a year before: the total daily circulation of all newspapers has dropped from about 85,000 copies to 75,000 copies. Simultaneously, there has been a shift in readership among different papers. While the opposition papers "Rilindja Demokratike" and "Albania" have been able to increase their daily circulation from 6,000 and 7,000 copies to 10,000 and 8,000, respectively, the largest daily in the country "Koha Jone" prints only 20,000 copies, or 33 percent less than last year?s 30,000. Other large dailies that suffered a drop in circulation are the Socialist Party daily "Zeri i Popullit," whose current circulation is only 12,000 compared to 18,000 in summer 1997; and the Republican Party daily "Republika," which is down to 12,000 from 14,000. The average Albanian has to spend a share of his income 10 to 20 times larger than his EU or U.S. counterparts must in order to buy a newspaper. The nominal prices of papers in Albania are almost as high as abroad. For example, ?The Washington Post? costs 50 cents or just slightly more than "Koha Jone." The low readership is also linked to Albanians distrust of the press. A spring survey of 500 people in Tirana conducted by the Albanian Media Institute showed that 63 percent believed that the press itself is generating problems for ordinary people. Only 18 percent thought that the press gave a positive contribution to the daily life of the nation. Only 26 percent bought a newspaper every day, 20 percent bought newspapers often, 34 percent did so rarely, and another 20 percent never bought a paper. The number of those who read newspapers was only slightly higher than the number of those who actually bought them: 30 percent read newspapers every day, 25 percent read them often, 37 percent did so rarely, and 7 percent never read the press. Armand Shkullaku, editor in chief of "Koha Jone," points out that the drop in circulation is a direct result of the collapse of the pyramid investment schemes and the subsequent economic disaster in Albania. Shkullaku says "people now think twice before buying a particular paper, while in the past they bought two or three papers." His counterparts from other newspapers unanimously agree. Fatos Baxhaku of "Gazeta Shqiptare" adds that the drop in circulation is a result of the psychological effect of the tragedy that Albania went through in 1997. "After all the blood that was shed, a simple murder does not make a good news story anymore." "The main ingredient from which news is made is politics and developments around it. With the Nano government in power, many political conflicts have disappeared, especially beatings and jailing of journalists and opposition politicians. Quiet politics is not good news to sell to the Albanian reader", Shkullaku says. The publisher of "Albania," Ylli Rakipi, complains that there is a merciless influence of politics on the press. Rakipi points out that "journalists themselves have higher professional demands than before, but politicians keep the press on a tight financial leash at a time when the press is in danger of bankruptcy." Rakipi also notes a new phenomenon, whereby poor people manage to read the papers by paying nothing or little in exchange. ?There are lot of people who give the vendor ten lek [a third of the price of an average newspaper] and go to read the papers in a nearby coffeehouse. Later they return them to the vendor who sells them [as new]," Rakipi explains. The competition among newspapers is harsh, as indicated by the rises and falls of newspapers over the past year. Baxhaku notes that professional ethics often get lost in the fight for readers, adding that arrogance and slander do not drive readers away on a large scale. "Many newspapers continue to manipulate their headlines in order to catch the attention of potential buyers but the article content does not keep with what is promised in the title. While this strategy can bring immediate results, it will have a damaging effect for the paper in the long run," says Baxhaku. "In 1990 and 1991", says Shkullaku, "there were journalists who on one hand lacked professional experience but who on the other hand were very engaged and worked with passion, sometimes without pay. Unfortunately, two or three years later, journalism turned into a means of survival. There is no more passion: journalists produce news as a matter of course and do not want to break real stories. What is worse, in many cases journalists have [effectively] turned into spokespersons, reciting government or other declarations. Newspapers thus became bulletins and hence do not stay ahead of the curve." And that is why electronic media have an easy task in competing with their print counterparts, Shkullaku explains. He also says that this may become a danger for the print media, especially at a time when journalists are increasingly leaving newspapers in favor of private radio and television stations. A fault of the publishers seems to be that they are pampering their journalists. Many young journalists believe that it is enough to get a job in a large--or even small--newsroom to become a big-time journalist, ready to interview famous people, politicians and artists; travel abroad; and receive a comparably high salary. This notion was a direct result of the increase of the number of journalists, which then led to an increase of publications, often with low professional standards. "The creation of an unrealistic market," says Shkullaku, "or paying unrealistically high salaries have not come as a result of an increased need for journalists but as a direct result of conflicts among publishers and competition for journalists. That has given an opportunity even to weak journalists to demand high wages." According to Shkullaku, who is also the head of the Association of Professional Journalists, the distribution problem remains the largest obstacle to increased circulation. He points out that papers only get distributed to about 40 percent of the country. He says papers ?do not even make it to Bathore, a village in the immediate neighborhood of Tirana." He claims that newspapers could increase their circulation by 30 percent right away if they had a modern distribution system. Rakipi, his counterpart from the League of Journalists, agrees. He proposes that the government should ask foreign donors to help with the creation of a nation-wide distribution system. But the day when readers will be able to have their daily newspaper delivered with the morning mail seems as far off as ever. On one hand, donors are unlikely to finance such an effort, because it is unlikely that it would be financially sustainable even in the long run and would hence require further subsidies after an initial investment. Under communism, such a distribution system existed and it was possible to subscribe to papers, but it was subsidized by the government as a part of the communist propaganda apparatus. "Gazeta Shqiptare"s Baxhaku says that not only is there no agency that could offer subscriptions but that Albanians have forgotten the culture of subscribing and that only a few customers would be ready to do so. Instead, he says, his paper has had a limited success in making itself more attractive by giving away special weekly supplements such as magazines or calendars. It has been including the Italian-language lifestyle magazine "Speccio," and during the World Cup, it has been giving out free glossy photos of soccer teams and background stories for soccer aficionados. Besides the free supplements, "Gazeta Shqiptare" has also been promoting itself by announcing its main stories on posters at certain locations in Tirana. Other newspapers have not used these kinds of promotions. ?Albania??s Ylli Rakipi ironically remarks that by offering "Speccio" as a gift, "Gazeta Shqiptare" merely helps the Italian publisher Carlo Bollino to get rid of unsold stocks of magazines. Shkullaku says that even with all these ideas being implemented and floated around, defining the circulation of newspapers still remains a risky game. "If it rains we are in a pickle as to how to set our circulation for the next day, because if the weather does not improve, we may be able to sell hardly any copies, because vendors might just go home in the afternoon." The advertising market also remains underdeveloped. The newspaper that complains most about a drop in advertising since last year is "Albania". Its publisher, Ylli Rakipi, maintains that the government discriminates against his paper because it is pro-opposition and has been blaming the current government for the anarchy of last year. Rakipi says that "government advertising has become a type of bribe in the sense that the state channels money to papers it likes better by putting public service announcements in them.? Other newspapers, however, seemingly haven?t experienced major declines in advertising revenue. "Gazeta Shqiptar"s Baxhaku even says that his newspaper's advertising situation is showing signs of improvement. Still, advertising and marketing remain the main problems and the general decline in circulation makes it even more difficult for papers to increase the amount of space dedicated to advertising. Baxhaku admits that he would like to hire a marketing expert but admits that it is difficult to find a skilled person. Last December, newspapers started a debate by demanding a reduction in taxes and even stopped publishing for one week to underline their demands. But the government--which clearly does not suffer if newspapers do not appear on the stands given the way it fares in most of the press--remained steadfast in its position that print media should not be treated differently than other businesses, especially considering that last October?s tax increase, implemented at the request of the International Monetary Fund, hit all sectors of Albania's economy equally hard. The editors in chief and publishers beg to disagree. Baxhaku points out that "while the government hardly taxes cigarettes [which are smuggled into Albania], it does not allow a single gram of newsprint into the country untaxed." Direct subsidies to the press are currently not on the government?s agenda, even though the Albanian Media Institute opinion poll showed that 62 percent of respondents favored such subsidies, while only 20 percent opposed them. Alfred Peza, editor in chief of "Shekulli," says that most of the problems of the press originate from the fact that most papers are not supported by business interests. ?Shekulli? is subsidized by the business conglomerate 2K of Koco Kokedhima, one of Albania's most successful businessmen. Still, with a daily circulation of only 5,000 copies, it is hardly a major player in the market. Peza, nonetheless, maintains that the main business activities of 2K enable an effective management of his newspaper. He claims that, of all newspapers, "Shekulli" has the best equipment and infrastructure. But those significant investments have not been cost effective so far. The overall problems of the Albanian press are likely to continue in the long run, until economic growth begins to strengthen the purchasing power of the population at large. That should eventually lead to the development of a distribution system on market principles. But as long as only 42 out of 1,000 Albanians can afford a newspaper, that is unlikely to happen. *************************************************************************** Albanian Media Monitor Project Project Director: Fabian Schmidt Project Officer: Andi Bejtja The "Albanian Media Monitor" was produced in Tirana by the Institute for Journalism in Transition and funded by the Open Society Institute's Regional Media Program. The complete archive of 'Albanian Media Monitor' is available on the World Wide Web at: http://www.ijt.org/amm/amm.html *************************************************************************** Institute for Journalism in Transition The Institute for Journalism in Transition (IJT) is an independent non-profit organization supporting regional media and democratic change. Articles from the Albanian Media Monitor are available, with permission, for re-publication. IJT also operates projects in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, the Caucasus, and The Hague. For details, please contact our London office. Editors welcome all correspondence. Please send your comments to Alan Davis, programs director, at alan@ijt.org Co-Executive Directors: Jan Urban & Anthony Borden Programs Director: Alan Davis Electronic Publications Editor: Sava Tatic London Office: Lancaster House 33 Islington High Street London N1 9LH, United Kingdom Tel: (44 171) 713 7130 Fax: (44 171) 713 7140 e-mail: info@ijt.org Prague Office: Seifertova 47 130 00 Praha 3, Czech Republic Tel: (420 2) 627-9445 Fax: (420 2) 627-9444 e-mail: transitions@ijt.cz Copyright (C) 1998 The Institute for Journalism in Transition --- # distributed via nettime-l : no commercial use without permission # <nettime> is a closed moderated mailinglist for net criticism, # collaborative text filtering and cultural politics of the nets # more info: majordomo@desk.nl and "info nettime-l" in the msg body # URL: http://www.desk.nl/~nettime/ contact: nettime-owner@desk.nl